Los slogans de los candidatos a la alcaldía del cantón Portoviejo en las elecciones seccionales de 2019 J. Manage. Hum. Resour. (July - December 2023) 1(2): 8-14 http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14289243 ISSN: XXXX-XXXX ORIGINAL ARTICLE The slogans of the mayoral candidates for Portoviejo in the 2019 local elections  Rauny J. Limonta rjlimonta@sangregorio.edu.ec Universidad San Gregorio de Portoviejo, Ecuador. Received: 01 April 2023 / Accepted: 03 May 2023 / Published online: 15 July 2023 © The Author(s) 2023 Rauny J. Limonta Abstract This study analyzes the use and impact of po- litical slogans in the 2019 municipal elections in Portovie- jo, Ecuador. A comprehensive examination was conducted to assess semantic density, emotional resonance, ideological positioning, and rhetorical appeal. Slogans with emotion- al and ideological cues were found to effectively leverage emotional and ideological cues to resonate with voters. In contrast, vague or generic slogans struggled to create mem- orable identities. The study demonstrates the importance of slogans as political branding tools, particularly in me- dia-driven electoral contexts, and highlights their ability to encapsulate values, differentiate candidates, and shape voter perceptions. Recommendations for future campaigns em- phasize the importance of culturally relevant, emotionally resonant, and ideologically clear messaging. Keywords mayoral elections, political campaigns, polit- ical slogans, emotional resonance, rhetorical analysis, voter perception. Resumen Este estudio analiza el uso y el impacto de los eslóganes políticos en las elecciones municipales de 2019 en Portoviejo, Ecuador. Se realizó un examen exhaustivo para evaluar la densidad semántica, la resonancia emocional, el posicionamiento ideológico y el atractivo retórico. Se encon- tró que los eslóganes con señales emocionales e ideológicas aprovechan eficazmente las señales emocionales e ideológi- cas para resonar con los votantes. Por el contrario, los es- lóganes vagos o genéricos tuvieron dificultades para crear identidades memorables. Se demostró la importancia de los eslóganes como herramientas de marca política, particular- mente en contextos electorales impulsados por los medios de comunicación, y destaca su capacidad para encapsular va- lores, diferenciar candidatos y dar forma a las percepciones de los votantes. Las recomendaciones para futuras campañas enfatizan la importancia de mensajes culturalmente relevan- tes, emocionalmente resonantes e ideológicamente claros. Palabras clave elecciones municipales, campañas políticas, eslóganes políticos, resonancia emocional, análisis retórico, percepción del votante. How to cite Limonta, R. J. (2023). The slogans of the mayoral candidates for Portoviejo in the 2019 local elections. Journal of Management and Human Resources, 1(2), 8-14. http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.14289243

J. Manage. Hum. Resour. (July - December 2023) 1(2): 8-14 9 Introduction Electoral campaigns are complex communication efforts where candidates use various strategic tools to engage, in- fluence, and mobilize voters. Among these tools, political slogans are concise yet powerful statements that encapsulate a candidate’s ideology, promises, and brand. These are essential campaign tools, serving as concise, memorable expressions of a candidate’s values, promises, and ideological positioning. As a key element of political branding, slogans distill complex ideologies into accessible language that resonates with voters. According to Scammell (2015), slogans operate as “conceptual branding,” simplif- ying a candidate’s vision while fostering an emotional con- nection with the electorate. This author emphasizes simpli- city, emotional resonance, and strategic differentiation as critical factors in crafting impactful slogans, allowing candi- dates to articulate their identities effectively. The study of slogans has a historical foundation rooted in sociological and psychological analyses. Anglès d’Au- riac (2018) defines slogans as short and striking formulas designed to provoke action by conveying layered meanings beyond words. This aligns with early studies by Lumley (1925), who considered slogans as forms of social control during social disruption. Together, these perspectives highli- ght the enduring role of slogans in shaping collective beha- vior and public opinion through symbolic and ideological framing. Political slogans are crafted to evoke cognitive and emo- tional responses, shaping voter perceptions and encouraging alignment with a candidate’s ideology. Lakoff (2016) descri- bes this as “framing,” wherein language is structured to tri- gger specific associations that resonate with the electorate’s values and aspirations. This linguistic framing ensures that slogans are more than just messages; they are ideological constructs that subtly direct voters’ interpretations, embed- ding a candidate’s narrative within the cultural and emotio- nal framework of the audience. It is obvious that we live in a media-driven political con- text. Therefore, electoral campaigns are based on the use of the media. The goal of this media policy is to send a message that supports the candidate and rejects the opponent (Cas- tells, 2013). Integrating slogans into digital media amplifies their in- fluence, with platforms like Facebook, TikTok, and Twitter (X) allowing campaigns to target specific audiences through tailored messaging. Kubin and von Sikorski (2021) demons- trated that social media increases the visibility of slogans and reinforces their emotional impact, contributing to political polarization by promoting identity-driven narratives. Simi- larly, Larionova (2020) highlights that linguistic devices, such as metaphors and repetition, enhance slogans’ memo- rability and emotional appeal, ensuring they resonate across diverse demographic groups (Larionova, 2020). Abid et al. (2023) further explore the link between slogans and voting behavior, arguing that slogans function as ideolo- gically charged symbols that guide voter perceptions. Their comprehensive literature review discusses how political marketing strategies, including the strategic use of slogans, influence voting decisions by aligning with voter beliefs and reinforcing trust. This alignment creates an emotional con- nection between the candidate and the electorate, making slogans central to the success of campaign communication. Peña and Ortiz (2011) present a structured framework for analyzing slogans’ rhetorical power, emphasizing three key elements: contrast, positivity, and sociopolitical relevance. Contrast distinguishes a candidate’s platform, positivity fra- mes the message hopefully, and sociopolitical relevance en- sures alignment with voters’ cultural and political realities. Building on this, Koch and Kaleniuk (2021) explore the role of metaphor and conceptual framing in shaping voter percep- tions, underscoring the importance of emotionally charged language in influencing behavior. From a psychological perspective, Tkach et al. (2021) em- ployed neuropsychological methods to analyze voters’ res- ponses to political slogans, demonstrating that emotionally resonant phrases evoke stronger cognitive and emotional en- gagement. Similarly, Nenadić (2022) underscores that stylis- tic devices, such as repetition, alliteration, and rhyme, play a pivotal role in enhancing the persuasive power of slogans, making them more appealing and memorable. In multilingual and multicultural contexts, slogans adapt to the cultural nuances of their audiences. For example, Akram and Iqbal (2021) examine how linguistic features of slogans in Pakistan emphasize cultural identity and resonate with vo- ters by reflecting local values and narratives. Additionally, Karmazin (2020) illustrates how political slogans in Chine- se governance are used strategically to reinforce ideological unity and align public opinion with state policies. Research also underscores the global applicability of slo- gans as rhetorical devices. Song and Gee (2020) explore their role in cultivating national identity and cohesion, while Rus- so et al. (2022) identify the emergence of “proto-slogans” in online communities, which shape partisan narratives through participatory discourse. These findings reveal that slogans, while concise, are potent mechanisms for constructing poli-

J. Manage. Hum. Resour. (July - December 2023) 1(2): 8-14 10 tical narratives that transcend borders. In Latin America, political slogans often reflect a unique blend of resilience, regional pride, and collective aspiration, which Garrido and Freidenberg (2020) describe as a reflec- tion of the region’s socio-political history. In Ecuador’s 2019 local elections, the slogan landscape was particularly diver- se, with candidates in Portoviejo conveying messages of em- powerment, stability, and reform. In these elections, a total of 23 prefects, 23 vice prefects, 221 mayors, 867 urban councilors, 438 rural councilors, and 4 089 members of the parish councils, in addition to seven CPCCS councilors were defined (CNE, 2019). In the case of the canton of Portoviejo, province of Manabí, 15 candi- dates ran for mayor, including Agustín Casanova, a mayor who sought re-election as the dignity of the territory and who finally obtained it with some difference from his campaign rivals. The mayoral elections were characterized by the political strategies and messages of the candidates; most of them used a political slogan, which helped them position themselves in the population and win enough votes. This context provides a rich case for applying Scammell (2015) and Peña and Ortiz (2011) frameworks, enabling an analysis of how political slogans operate within Latin Ame- rican municipal campaigns. So, this research aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the persuasive power of political slogans, their rhetorical construction, and their effectiveness as vehicles for politi- cal identity in Ecuador’s 2019 mayoral race in Portoviejo. Through this focused case study, the findings will expand the academic conversation surrounding political branding, illus- trating the significance of concise, resonant messaging in the media-saturated political landscape of today. Methodology This qualitative study examines the political slogans used by fifteen mayoral candidates in the 2019 Portoviejo elec- tions. The sample includes primary slogans from all can- didates to ensure comprehensive analysis, avoid sampling bias, and capture the full array of campaign messaging. Data were sourced from candidates’ official social media pages, campaign literature, and other public statements to represent each candidate’s slogan use accurately. The analysis follows the framework established by Scam- mell (2015), focusing on three critical dimensions: semantic density, emotional resonance, and ideological positioning. Semantic density assesses the richness and conciseness of each slogan, capturing the compact yet impactful language typical of effective political slogans. Emotional resonance examines emotive language designed to create connections with voters, appealing to trust, hope, or a desire for change. Ideological positioning identifies ideological cues and impli- cit contrasts with opponents, situating each candidate within a specific narrative that aligns with their intended voter base. Following Scammell (2015) dimensions, the study incor- porates the rhetorical structure proposed by Peña and Ortiz (2011), which examines slogans for contrastive language, positivity bias, and socio-political resonance. This combi- ned approach enables a nuanced analysis of each slogan’s rhetorical appeal and communicative effectiveness. All slo- gans were collected systematically from the described sour- ces, and coding followed thematic categorization, including statistical counts of recurring rhetorical features to detect trends. All slogans were cross-verified with multiple sources to ensure reliability, and inter-coder agreement was used to maintain consistency in thematic coding. This structured and reproducible methodology offers a replicable approach for future studies on political slogans in electoral campaigns, particularly within Latin American political contexts. Below is a list of mayoral candidates and votes obtained in the electoral contest (Table 1). Results and discussion The analysis of slogans used in the 2019 Portoviejo ma- yoral elections reveals diverse strategic approaches across candidates, with varying levels of success in terms of reso- nance with voters. Using the analytical frameworks provided by Scammell (2015) and Peña and Ortiz (2011), each slogan was evaluated for its semantic density, emotional resonance, ideological positioning, and rhetorical appeal. This approach highlights how candidates sought to connect with the electo- rate through specific linguistic choices and rhetorical strate- gies, aiming to establish memorable identities aligned with voter priorities. Mery Zamora’s slogan, “For a real change,” presents a clear differentiation from the status quo by emphasizing the term “real.” However, the term “change” is commonly used in political contexts, which may reduce the distinctiveness of her message. The slogan appeals to voter dissatisfaction by signaling a break from past governance, positioning Za- mora as a reformist. This aligns with Peña and Ortiz (2011) concept of contrastive language, as the slogan contrasts new possibilities with existing political structures, which may appeal to reform-minded voters.

J. Manage. Hum. Resour. (July - December 2023) 1(2): 8-14 11 Table 1. Candidates for mayor of Portoviejo canton and votes obtained in the 2019 sectional elections List Political Party / Movement Candidate Votos Porcentaje 1 Movimiento Centro Democrático Jorge Luis Pérez 8093 5,05 17 Partido Socialista Ecuatoriano 20 Movimiento Democracia Sí 35 Alianza PAIS 100 Movimiento MEJOR 2 Unidad Popular Mery Zamora 8200 5,12 4 Movimiento Ecuatoriano Unido EC Holger García 2053 1,28 6 Partido Social Cristiano Agustín Casanova 70132 43,77 65 Movimiento Unidad Primero 105 Movimiento Cambio, Integración y Orden CAMINO 7 Adelante Ecuatoriano Adelante Jimmy Díaz 1735 1,08 8 Avanza José Miguel Mendoza Rodas 23129 14,44 11 Movimiento Justicia Social 12 Izquierda Democrática 61 Movimiento Acción Cívica de Hombres y Mujeres por el Trabajo y la Equidad MACHETE 9 Movimiento Libertad es Pueblo Richard Manzano 1401 0,87 10 Fuerza Ecuador Bruno Poggi Guillén 23096 14,41 18 Pachakutik Oscar Zambrano 630 0,39 21 Movimiento CREO Arturo Mera 5385 3,36 23 Movimiento SUMA Vicente Izurieta 2675 1,67 33 Movimiento Nacional Podemos Jaime Rodríguez Sacoto 2644 1,65 51 Movimiento Concertación Marcos Oña 1544 0,97 72 Movimiento Sí Podemos Mario Fidel Suárez 7309 4,56 120 Movimiento Expresión y Unidad Democrática 95 Movimiento Nueva Generación Freddy Vera 2191 1,37 Note: Adapted from the National Electoral Council (CNE). Holger García’s slogan, “United for Portoviejo,” is strai- ghtforward and inclusive but may lack specificity, diluting its impact. The word “united” fosters a sense of communi- ty, appealing to collective identity and promoting García as a harmonizing figure. Although optimistic and in line with Peña and Ortiz (2011) positivity bias, the slogan may lack the differentiation needed to stand out in a crowded field. By focusing on unity, García projects a stable, non-confron- tational image that seeks to resonate broadly. However, its broadness diluted its ideological differentiation, as observed by Akram and Iqbal (2021), who caution that overly inclusi- ve language may lack the specificity needed to stand out in competitive contexts. Jorge Luis Pérez adopted an unconventional approach by using hashtags instead of a single slogan, such as #VotaTo- do35 and #VamosPortoviejo. His message relied heavily on direct appeals to support Alianza PAIS, a popular local party, rather than establishing his unique slogan. This strategy le- verages the existing loyalty to a well-known party, though it may limit Pérez’s personal brand identity. While the question format (“Why vote for?”) may generate curiosity, it lacks a strong emotional pull and may fragment his message, impac- ting memorability. Bruno Poggi’s slogan, “Less Tribes, More Work”, stands out due to its unique use of “tribes” to signify factionalism. This slogan directly critiques divisiveness, appealing to vo- ters to prioritize practical issues like employment. Poggi effectively uses contrastive language, establishing a clear dichotomy between divisiveness and unity for economic progress. His slogan resonates with those who view factio- nalism as an obstacle to productivity, aligning with the prac- tical voter and utilizing Peña and Ortiz (2011) emphasis on simplification to appeal to the frustrations of the electorate. Vicente Izurieta’s slogan, “Wake Up Manabí”, employs di- rective language to motivate and activate voter pride. While “Wake Up” is motivational, the slogan remains somewhat vague regarding specific policy implications. This slogan appeals to regional pride and urgency, casting Izurieta as an

J. Manage. Hum. Resour. (July - December 2023) 1(2): 8-14 12 advocate for local revitalization. While the slogan’s directive tone activated emotional connections with local identity, its vagueness regarding actionable policy may have limited its broader appeal. This highlights the balance between emotio- nal resonance and semantic clarity, as Kubin and von Sikors- ki (2021) noted, who emphasize the importance of tailored messaging to reinforce ideological constructs effectively. Agustín Casanova’s slogan, “Portoviejo already has a war- path” reflects an optimistic perspective by building on his established identity as an incumbent and alluding to his po- litical organization. The slogan appeals to voter desires for stability and continuity, as Casanova positions himself as a steady choice for Portoviejo’s future. The slogan’s implicit message of continuity may appeal to voters satisfied with the current trajectory under his leadership. José Miguel Rodas’s slogan, “A Portoviejo of opportu- nities”, focuses on the theme of potential growth but lacks specificity regarding the nature of these opportunities. This approach appeals to voters hopeful for economic impro- vement, though it may not be distinct enough to set Rodas apart ideologically. While the slogan employs positivity, its vagueness reduces its impact and limits its ability to create a unique ideological identity, which may detract from its effec- tiveness as a persuasive tool. This finding aligns with the ob- servations of Anglès d’Auriac (2018), who underscores the importance of layered meanings in slogans to provoke action and engagement. Richard Manzano’s slogan, #Liberty is People, is short and abstract, appealing to ideals of freedom and autonomy. However, the slogan’s abstract nature may make it cha- llenging to interpret without additional context, potentially weakening its impact. Manzano’s message aligns with peo- ple-centered governance, appealing to grassroots values. Al- though it evokes broad themes of freedom and unity, the lack of specific promises limits its clarity, which may affect its ability to influence voters decisively. Jimmy Díaz’s slogan, “Works without corruption!” is di- rect and clear, appealing strongly to voters concerned about government integrity. By promising clean governance, Díaz positions himself as the anti-corruption candidate, an approach likely to resonate well with voters weary of politi- cal malfeasance. This slogan’s use of contrastive language, focusing on corruption as an obstacle to progress, reflects a rhetorical strategy that directly targets a pervasive issue, which could strengthen Díaz’s appeal to values-driven vo- ters. Mario Fidel Suárez Castillo’s slogan, “Yes we can Porto- viejo!” mirrors motivational language commonly found in campaigns, projecting optimism and community solidarity. The slogan appeals to the electorate’s shared sense of purpo- se, positioning Suárez as a hopeful and inclusive candidate. While it aligns with Peña and Ortiz (2011) positivity bias, the slogan’s lack of originality may lessen its distinctiveness, potentially making it less memorable among voters seeking specific policy messages. As he also explains Scammell (2015) argument that impactful slogans must not only reso- nate emotionally but also convey a unique brand identity that distinguishes the candidate from competitors. Marcos Antonio Oña Olmedo’s “51 reasons” slogan is in- tentionally ambiguous, aiming to pique voter curiosity. Whi- le this indirect approach may engage voters intrigued by the implied promise of reason, the slogan’s ambiguity limits its immediate impact. By emphasizing the number “51,” Oña hints at various benefits or proposals, yet the lack of speci- ficity may reduce emotional appeal and ideological clarity. This approach may stimulate interest but may not provide a strong ideological position. Anglès d’Auriac’s (2018) cau- tion against excessive abstraction is relevant here, as voters may struggle to interpret ambiguous messaging without ad- ditional context, weakening its impact. Arturo Gualberto Mera Intriago’s slogan, “Let’s do our best”, uses friendly and positive collective language but lac- ks specific promises or ideological cues. The slogan appeals to community spirit but may be perceived as overly general, reducing its ability to evoke a strong emotional response. Mera’s focus on collective effort aligns with Peña and Ortiz’s rhetorical positivity, though its lack of specificity risks blen- ding into broader campaign messages without standing out. Candidates Freddy Vera Mendoza and Jaime Rafael Rodrí- guez Sacoto did not use explicit slogans or secondary messa- ges. This absence of a unifying message suggests a potential lack of investment in creating a memorable campaign brand. A clear and memorable slogan in political communication is critical for building a candidate’s identity and visibility. The absence of a slogan could thus represent a strategic disad- vantage, reducing the ability of these candidates to resonate with voters or differentiate themselves in a crowded race. In summary, the analysis of Portoviejo’s mayoral candida- tes highlights varying degrees of effectiveness in leveraging slogan strategies to establish emotional and ideological con- nections with voters. Candidates whose slogans employed specific language that tapped into local identity and pressing issues, such as “Less tribes, More work” and “Wake Up Ma- nabí”, succeeded in using semantic density and emotional resonance to create memorable impressions. Conversely, more generic slogans like “A Portoviejo of opportunities”

J. Manage. Hum. Resour. (July - December 2023) 1(2): 8-14 13 or “Let’s do our best” lacked distinctiveness, limiting their effectiveness in conveying a strong ideological stance. This analysis underscores that in competitive elections, ideologi- cally clear, emotionally engaging, and semantically dense slogans tend to be more persuasive and memorable. These findings contribute to a nuanced understanding of how con- cise, resonant messaging in local campaigns can significant- ly shape voter perception and candidate success. By applying the frameworks of Scammell (2015) and Peña and Ortiz (2011), this discussion provides a nuanced understanding of political slogans’ rhetorical and emotional dimensions. The results affirm that slogans are not merely campaign tools but integral elements of political branding, capable of shaping voter perceptions and reinforcing candi- date identities. Future campaigns in Latin America and be- yond would benefit from leveraging these insights to design slogans that resonate deeply with their target electorate, alig- ning with cultural and ideological priorities. Conclusions This study analyzed the slogans used by mayoral candi- dates in the 2019 Portoviejo elections to understand how concise and resonant messaging influences voter perceptions and candidate positioning. The findings highlight that slo- gans are key political branding tools, allowing candidates to encapsulate their values and priorities in memorable and persuasive phrases. Examples such as Bruno Poggi’s “Less Tribes, More Work” and Jimmy Díaz’s “Works Without Co- rruption!” demonstrated how contrastive language and emo- tional resonance strengthen message impact, while generic or vague slogans lacked differentiation. Additionally, candi- dates who tailored their messages to local identity achieved greater voter connection. 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J. Manage. Hum. Resour. (July - December 2023) 1(2): 8-14 14 Computational Linguistics, 35(2), 33-49. https://doi. org/10.21248/jlcl.35.2022.228 Scammell, M. (2015). Politics and image: The conceptu- al value of branding. Journal of Political Marketing, 14(1-2), 7-18. https://doi.org/10.1080/15377857.2014. 990829 Song, J., & Gee, J. (2020). Slogans with Chinese charac- teristics: The political functions of a discourse form. Discourse & Society, 31(2), 201-217. https://doi. org/10.1177/0957926519880033 Tkach, B., Lytvynchuk, L., Popovych, I. S., Blynova, O., & Zahrai, L. (2021). Research on the experience of users of political slogans in Ukraine. Brain: Broad Research in Artificial Intelligence and Neuroscience, 12(1), 173- 191. https://doi.org/10.18662/BRAIN/12.1/173 Conflicts of interest The author declares that he has no conflicts of interest. Author contributions Conceptualization: Limonta, R. J. Data curation: Li- monta, R. J. Formal analysis: Limonta, R. J. Research: Limonta, R. J. Methodology: Limonta, R. J. Supervision: Limonta, R. J. Validation: Limonta, R. J. Visualization: Limonta, R. J. Writing the original draft: Limonta, R. J. Writing, review and editing: Limonta, R. J. Data availability statement The datasets used and/or analyzed during the current study are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request. Statement on the use of AI The authors acknowledge the use of generative AI and AI-assisted technologies to improve the readability and cla- rity of the article. Disclaimer/Editor’s note The statements, opinions, and data contained in all publi- cations are solely those of the individual authors and contri- butors and not of Journal of Management and Human Ro- sources. Journal of Management and Human Rosources and/or the editors disclaim any responsibility for any injury to people or property resulting from any ideas, methods, instructions, or products mentioned in the content.